The Border Command (Los Comandos de Frontera) is a military-political group that emerged on November 17, 2017.  After members of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – People's Army (FARC-EP) who disagreed with the peace agreement negotiations began threatening ex-guerrilla members to join what is now known as FARC dissidents, those who refused began to face systematic murder. In response, some ex-guerrilla members decided to form a new group, using weapons that they had previously hidden because they were not willing to be subjected to the FARC dissidents' rules. This group has a presence in several departments, including Caquetá (Cartagena del Chairá, El Paujíl, La Montañita, and Solano), Putumayo (Orito, San Miguel, Valle del Guamuéz, and Puerto Guzmán), Nariño and Cauca. The Ecuadorian army also reports the group's presence in Sucumbíos, a border department between Ecuador and Colombia.

While some researchers have posited that the Border Command was established by former paramilitaries and guerrilla members to control traffic routes, its leader, Giovanny Andrés Rojas, who is also known as "Spider" (Araña), denied any links to ex-paramilitary members or drug trafficking. During their first and only interview with El Espectador newspaper in March 2023, Rojas stated that the Border Command consists of former guerrilla members and like-minded individuals who share their ideologies. 

He also asserted that the group distinguishes itself from other guerrilla factions for various reasons. Firstly, they do not engage in confrontations with the national Army or carry out attacks on police stations, which were common practices for the FARC EP guerrilla in the past. Secondly, the group does not engage in extortion in areas where they maintain a presence. Thirdly, they do not recruit minors or kidnap people to get funds for their political project, recognising that it is a crime against humanity. Finally, they do not engage in drug trafficking. 

The National Army has reported that as of 2022, the Border Command had a total of 470 members in Putumayo, with 363 armed individuals and 107 providing support. However, discussing this illegal group is challenging as they were relatively unknown until recently. In fact, it wasn't until their leader, Spider, gave an interview to a journalist from El Espectador in the middle of the jungle that they gained widespread attention. During the interview, Spider was evasive and provided incomplete answers, such as when he was asked about the number of members in the Border Command, to which he responded by saying that the group had enough members to carry out its tasks and missions.

When it comes to the Border Command's military structure and finances, Rojas suggests that there are at least five unknown leaders who oversee operations in each department where the group is active, including Cauca, Putumayo, Nariño and Caqueta. Additionally, the group is led by its main leader, Spider. It's worth noting that the Border Command has formed an alliance with the Second Marquetalia, although they don't refer to themselves as such. According to Spider, they consider themselves to be sibling organizations, stating, "We are the Second Marquetalia and Border Command." In terms of finances, the Border Command charges individuals a fee for purchasing coca leaves to produce cocaine. Through this system, the group is able to pay each member a monthly salary, while maintaining transparency in their financial operations, something that did not happen in the FARC dissident group.

The Border Command faces a significant threat from the Carolina Ramirez Front, a dissident faction of the FARC. These groups are engaged in a bitter struggle for control over Putumayo's territory, which is a critical transit point for drug trafficking and contraband smuggling between Colombia and Ecuador. Notably, the Carolina Ramirez Front has a history of targeting former guerrilla members who refuse to join their ranks. This reality underscores the deep divisions and violent tactics that have plagued the group since its inception.

Regarding the Colombian Total peace project, Spider, a representative of the Border Command, stated that the group is willing to participate as a military-political entity. He emphasised that it is essential to revisit the Habana peace accord and negotiate the release of members of the Border Commands and the previous FARC guerrilla, particularly Simon Trinidad, who is currently imprisoned in the United States. Spider also called for amnesty and political recognition to enable political negotiations. Additionally, he suggested that, if the peace negotiations were successful, the Border Command could transform into a territorial farmers' guard.

To sum up, the interview given to El Espectador newspaper was an invitation to be included in the negotiations of the Total Peace Colombian project and to be known by the public opinion according to its leader. However, analysing the group's demands to negotiate with the state can be considered unrealistic because Colombia's influence in international justice, especially talking about international prisoners, is limited.  Furthermore, there are many groups emphasising that they are military-political groups to obtain a political status or some places inside some political parties, which can become a vicious circle to join some scenarios such as congress, parliaments, and ministries, among others. However, some of these demands may be part of a negotiation strategy to obtain concessions in other areas. The Colombian government should be cautious not to grant political status to armed groups using violence as a means to achieve their goals, perpetuating the armed conflict in the country as a mechanism to reach high political positions.

*Article photo taken from El Espectador