Drilling Dreams, Sinking Realities

Introduction

Climate change is increasingly recognised as the most significant long-term downside risk to almost all investment sectors. This urgency is underscored by the approaching 2024 U.S. Presidential election, where energy policy is a key issue, particularly in the context of the Republican Party’s push to revive the fossil fuel industry. With global temperatures in 2023 reaching unprecedented highs and surpassing even the most dire projections, the severity of climate-related disasters has escalated. These developments make it clear that mitigating climate change is not just an environmental imperative but also a critical economic and geopolitical challenge. The outcome of the U.S. election could have profound implications for global energy policies, especially as the Republican nominee, Donald Trump, advocates for an aggressive expansion of fossil fuel production.

Increasing Severity of Climate Disasters

2023 has been a stark reminder of the accelerating impacts of climate change. Record-breaking global temperatures, partly driven by an El Niño intensified by climate change, have led to widespread heatwaves, wildfires, and other extreme weather events. These developments have surpassed the projections of most climate models, highlighting the increasing unpredictability and severity of climate-related disasters, and the real-world implications of inaction on climate policy. The nonlinear trajectory of ecosystem collapse is one that has far-reaching implications, affecting everything from agriculture and infrastructure to public health and economic stability.

Graph 1.0 (Global Temperature Trends)

As the graph above shows, 2023 surpassed every previous temperature record by-far; almost showing an off-the-charts uptick in increasing temperatures. This must be seen in the context of the political economy of the green energy transition, involving stakeholders like big-oil to employ significant effort to subdue, delay, and slow down momentum of green energy through extensive lobbying in an effort to stay relevant in a world where renewable energy has become cheaper than conventional oil and gas as shown in the graph below.

Graph 2.0 (Energy cost by source)

COP and Delayed Multilateral Action

The international community has attempted to make some progress toward addressing climate change, with the United Nations’ Conference of the Parties (COP) serving as a central platform for multilateral action. COP 28 in Dubai marked a significant moment, signalling what many hoped would be the beginning of the end for fossil fuels. However, the subsequent COP 29, hosted in Baku, Azerbaijan—also a petro-state—seems to have reduced the pace and effectiveness of global climate action, and put the world off-track to limit global warming to 1.5C. The influence of fossil fuel interests and lobbying has continued to slow progress, delaying the implementation of much-needed measures to reduce emissions on a global scale, which by the number of lobbyists in COP 26 for instance, outnumbered national delegations to the convention.

Graph 3.0 (number of lobbyists in COP 26)

The 2024 U.S. Presidential Elections

The 2024 U.S. Presidential election represents a pivotal moment for the country’s energy policy, particularly in the context of climate change. Donald Trump’s acceptance speech at the Republican National Convention on July 19th highlighted his intent to revive America’s fossil fuel industry. Declaring, “We will drill, baby, drill!” Trump pledged to ramp up domestic fossil fuel production to unprecedented levels, with the aim of making the United States "energy dominant" on the global stage. His commitment to this vision was evident in his efforts to court oil industry leaders, promising to roll back President Joe Biden’s environmental regulations in exchange for financial support for his re-election campaign.

Trump’s team argues that unleashing vast untapped oil reserves in regions like Alaska and the Gulf of Mexico could significantly boost production if environmental regulations were eased. However, experts contend that such plans might not significantly alter the U.S. energy landscape, whether fossil or renewable. Despite the oil industry’s grievances under Biden, the sector has seen substantial growth, with oil and gas production reaching record levels. Biden’s administration has issued more drilling permits in its first three years than Trump did during his entire term, and the profits of major oil companies have soared due to the 2020s global commodities boom.

Federal Policy and Oil Production

The impact of federal policy on oil production is often tempered by broader market dynamics and investor behaviour. The oil industry, particularly after the financial strains of the shale boom, now prioritises capital discipline, driven more by market conditions and Wall Street’s influence than by the White House’s policies. Even if Trump were to win the presidency, the overall trajectory of oil production is likely to continue being shaped by global supply-demand balances and the strategic decisions of organisations like OPEC.

Interestingly, Trump’s promise to repeal Biden’s Inflation Reduction Act (IRA)—which includes substantial subsidies for green energy—may face significant obstacles. The IRA’s benefits are largely concentrated in Republican districts, and industries traditionally aligned with fossil fuels are beginning to recognise the advantages of low-carbon technologies. For example, companies benefiting from the IRA’s subsidies for hydrogen and carbon capture are prepared to defend these incentives against any potential repeal.

Conclusion

The urgency of addressing climate change is often underestimated due to a common misunderstanding of the non-linear feedback loops involved in ecosystem collapse. Many tend to view emissions as a simple, transactional force with nature, failing to grasp the exponential and potentially catastrophic consequences of inaction. This underestimation leads to a dangerous complacency, undervaluing the need for urgent and robust policy action. 

The U.S. holds significant sway over global climate outcomes mainly because of two reasons: (1) It is the second largest emitter; and (2) it is one of the only countries in the world for climate policy to be a partisan issue, making it particularly susceptible to hampering global emissions targets.

With much of the Global South still dependent on coal, oil, and gas, a unilateral decision by the U.S. to aggressively increase fossil fuel consumption could single-handedly push the planet toward an irreversible climate disaster. The stakes are incredibly high, especially as the political economy of the green transition faces opposition from entrenched fossil fuel interests. These forces work to delay and obstruct the shift to renewable energy, despite the clear and present need to accelerate this transition to prevent ecological collapse.

Having already surpassed 1.5C warming; the world is headed towards 4.1-4.8C warming without climate action policies; 2.5-2.9C warming with current policies; and 2.1C warming with current pledges and targets. In this context, if the U.S. were to aggressively change course and begin burning more, instead of less as Trump suggests—it may severely hamper the ability of the global ecosystem to recover and restore, potentially breaching already critical tipping points.

Graph 4.0 (projected warming in different scenarios)

Therefore, it becomes more important than ever for climate-conscious energy policy, to recognise that ecological collapse is a non-linear and irreversible outcome of breaching environmental tipping points, and to underscore the need to prevent misinformation on climate change spreading as a result of forces acting against renewable energy in the political economy of the green transition.

The good news, however, may be that while Republicans may advocate for a new oil boom, the realities of global markets and investor behaviour suggest a different outcome. Wall Street, driven by a cost-benefit analysis that increasingly favours renewable energy, may not align with the interests of a pro-fossil fuel administration. Although the White House can influence energy policy, it is ultimately market forces that will dictate the future of America's energy landscape. This shift towards green energy, driven by economic viability and technological advancements, underscores the need for accelerated action to mitigate climate risks and ensure a sustainable future.

The LNG Freeze Limbo: How the US Export Pause is Reshaping Global Gas Dynamics

The Biden administration recently suspended granting permits for new liquified natural gas (LNG) imports, which will likely have major impacts on global energy security, especially for the European Union (EU). The move comes amidst growing protests against the Biden administration over its lacklustre plan to make a swift transition to green energy ecosystems. As per the White House, the decision aims to address domestic health concerns, such as increasing pollution near export facilities. However, the timing of the decision raises serious concerns, especially as the US’ European allies grapple with energy shortages since the Russian invasion of Ukraine 2 years ago. 

The EU has been greatly dependent on LNG exports from the US in dealing with energy shortages following its decision to stop Russian exports. For instance, in the first half of 2023, the US exported more liquefied natural gas than any other country – 11.6 billion cubic feet a day. That same year, 60 per cent of US LNG exports were delivered to Europe and 46 per cent of European imports came from the US. This abrupt decision by President Biden, prioritising domestic concerns over international energy security and stability, is a long term challenge for US allies in Europe, as well as in Asia. 

Despite the EU having fairly dealt with the energy shortages, a potentially long, harsh winter season later this year could further complicate the entire scenario, given the strong correlation between weather and gas prices. Winter conditions are, thus, likely to increase LNG demands, thereby increasing gas prices. Hence, shutting down gas exports to Europe is likely to accelerate geopolitical risks. This would imply diverting economic supply by the EU for Ukraine to deal with the impending energy crisis. 

Many of the developing economies in Asia have traditionally been heavy consumers of coal and fossil fuels, primarily due to a lack of infrastructural capabilities to harness renewable sources of energy. Early LNG developments, especially in South East Asia were spurred on by the 1973 oil shock, which brought the need to diversify away from Middle Eastern oil for power generation. Consisting of many developing economies, countries in Asia wanted to rely on a stable and efficient partner to develop their energy ecosystems running on a fair share of LNG exports. Being the largest exporter of LNG in the world, the US was seen as “the reliable partner.” Hence, the recent announcement by the White House has been taken seriously in Asia, given that it might hinder the progress of capacity expansion projects in the region. 

Moreover, one of the US’ strategic allies in the region, Japan, could be hit extremely hard by the recent development, given that it is the world’s second-largest purchaser of LNG, with a huge proportion of the imports coming from the United States. Several Japanese companies, especially JERA, have been foundation buyers of LNG export projects and this announcement is likely to hinder their business prospects in the present and the future. Moreover, the future implications of the pause are even more disastrous for the other allies of the US, especially smaller countries like the Philippines, which is currently undergoing energy shocks.  The Philippines relies heavily on the electricity and natural gas acquired from the Malampaya gas field. This reserve is expected to run dry in 2027, causing an energy crisis. The nation must now choose between transitioning to renewable energy or continue to rely heavily on the exploration of conventional energy sources which would make them drift further apart from their commitments towards cutting down carbon emissions. The leadership in Manila initially looked to the United States to provide initial relief over its impending energy crisis by importing LNG reserves from the US. However, the latest White House decision will very well make the Philippines’ political leadership exhibit signs of perplexity and look for other alternatives as the Southeast Asian nation continues to grapple with an ongoing energy crisis which is likely to turn worse in the upcoming years. 

While the decision might highlight the US’ decision to deal with environmental concerns and climate change issues, the abruptness of the decision is likely to raise serious doubts among the allies over Washington’s reliability to help them cope with the ongoing energy crisis, made worse by a sluggish global economy in the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic. The move is likely to lead its partners to export LNG from other countries, which have a higher profile of emitting carbon emissions than the US. 

This may also prompt countries to rely heavily on the use of coal and fossil fuels, thereby reversing the trend of actively exploring cleaner energy alternatives. With the global community facing an incoming climate emergency, substantial hope was placed on developed, industrialised countries of the north to create a strong base for the developing economies of the global south to make a transition towards cleaner energy ecosystems.

The US, with one of the largest reserves and the largest exporter of LNG, was seen as the “responsible leader” to effect this transition and, at the same time, stand shoulder to shoulder with struggling economies to deal with the contemporary energy shortage predicament. With ongoing geopolitical crises, the perception of the “pause” being indicative of breaking commitments to international partners and allies, cannot be undermined, in a year that is likely to decide the fate, political will, and the “ability to lead home and abroad amidst challenges” of the incumbent US president.

Featured image by Maciej Margas: PGNiG archive, CC BY-SA 4.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=90448259

We’ve Got a Fungal Problem: A Looming Threat to Global Wheat Production and Food Security

Wheat is one of the most important staple crops in the world, providing food and income for billions of people. However, wheat production is facing a serious challenge from fusarium blight, a fungal disease that infects wheat ears and reduces grain quality and yield. It also produces mycotoxins, which are harmful to human and animal health. The fungus is influenced by weather conditions, especially temperature and rainfall, and is expected to worsen under climate change scenarios. This spotlight examines the current and projected impacts of fusarium blight on wheat production, prices, and security, and discusses the political implications.

Current Impacts of Fusarium Blight

Fusarium blight is a widespread and devastating disease of wheat, affecting all major wheat-producing regions in the world. The fungus lowers yields and reduces the quality of wheat grains by lowering their test weight, protein content, and germination rate. It also contaminates wheat grains with mycotoxins, such as deoxynivalenol (DON) and zearalenone (ZEA), which can cause acute and chronic health problems in humans and animals, such as vomiting, diarrhoea, reproductive disorders, immune suppression, and cancer. This presence of mycotoxins in wheat affects its marketability and trade, as many countries have set maximum allowable levels for mycotoxins in food and feed.

Fusarium blight outbreaks are highly variable and depend on several factors, such as the susceptibility of wheat cultivars, the timing and duration of flowering, and the weather conditions during flowering and post-flowering. Warm, wet, humid conditions during flowering favour infection by fusarium species, causing ear blights and seed-borne infection. Further rainfall and humid conditions allow secondary infections to occur, allowing further fungal growth and mycotoxin production. Therefore, fusarium blight epidemics are often associated with wet seasons or regions with high rainfall or irrigation.

In terms of specific numbers, the FHB epidemic has been reported to lead to a 10–70% of production loss during epidemic years. For example, in China, a 5–10% yield loss is common due to FHB, but it can reach up to 100% in epidemic years, affecting around 7 million hectares of wheat fields.

These factors can create a supply shortage, which in turn can drive up the price of wheat in the commodity market. However, the exact impact on wheat prices can vary depending on a range of factors, including the severity of the outbreak, the region’s reliance on wheat production, and the global wheat market conditions at the time of the outbreak.

Winter Wheat

Commodity wheat, sometimes referred to as winter or common wheat , accounts for the vast majority of production worldwide as it contains higher protein than other varieties, this allows for a wider range of uses and a higher number of possible products produced from the wheat itself. Winter wheat is planted in the autumn and harvested in the following summer. It is grown in temperate regions of the world, such as Europe, North America, China, and India. Winter wheat also provides soil cover and erosion control during the winter months.

Blight is much more common in winter wheat than in spring wheat because winter wheat has a longer exposure to the risk factors that favour fusarium infection. These risk factors include warm and humid weather during flowering, and susceptible varieties. Winter wheat also tends to flower earlier than spring wheat, which coincides with the peak period of fusarium spore production and dispersal.

Projected Impacts of Fusarium Blight under Climate Change

Climate change is expected to increase the frequency and intensity of extreme weather events, such as heat waves, droughts, floods, storms, and hail. These events can directly affect wheat production by damaging crops or reducing yields. However, climate change can also indirectly affect wheat production by altering the distribution and severity of plant diseases, such as fusarium blight.

The extent to which fusarium blight may affect the prices of winter wheat depends on several factors, such as the magnitude and frequency of fusarium epidemics, the availability and cost of fungicides and resistant varieties, the demand and supply of wheat in the global market, and the regulations and standards for mycotoxin contamination. Fusarium blight can reduce the quantity and quality of winter wheat, which may lower its market value and increase its production costs. Fusarium blight may also pose a threat to food safety and security, as mycotoxins can cause adverse health effects in humans and animals. Therefore, fusarium blight can have negative impacts on the income and welfare of farmers, consumers, processors, traders, and regulators.

Several studies have projected the impacts of climate change on fusarium blight using crop models coupled with disease models and climate scenarios. The results vary depending on the location, time horizon, emission scenario, and model assumptions. However, some general trends can be observed:

• Climate change will advance wheat anthesis dates, the stage of the wheat life cycle that allows for full flowering, it is at this stage that wheat is vulnerable to blight and rainfall during this period is predictive of incidents of blight. Due to higher temperatures and shorter growing seasons this may reduce the exposure of wheat to fusarium infection during flowering, as the peak of infection may occur before or after anthesis. However, this may also increase the risk of heat stress and drought stress during grain filling, which can reduce wheat yields and quality.

• Climate change will increase the incidence and severity of fusarium blight in regions where rainfall and humidity are projected to increase, especially during flowering. This may enhance the infection by fusarium species and the production of mycotoxins in wheat grains. However, this may also reduce the risk of water stress and increase the water use efficiency of wheat crops.

• Climate change will decrease the incidence and severity of fusarium blight in regions where rainfall and humidity are projected to decrease, especially during flowering. This may reduce the infection by fusarium species and the production of mycotoxins in wheat grains. However, this may also increase the risk of water stress and reduce the water use efficiency of wheat crops.

Implications for Wheat Prices and Security

The impacts of fusarium blight on wheat production, quality, and trade have significant implications for wheat prices and security. Wheat prices are determined by the interaction of supply and demand factors in global markets. Supply factors include production, stocks, trade policies, weather shocks, and diseases. Demand factors include consumption, income, population growth, preferences, and biofuel policies. Wheat security refers to the availability, accessibility, utilisation, and stability of wheat for food and feed purposes.

Fusarium blight can affect both supply and demand factors of wheat prices and security. On the supply side, fusarium blight can reduce wheat production by lowering yields and quality. This can create a supply shortage in domestic or international markets, leading to higher prices. Fusarium blight can also affect wheat trade by reducing exports or increasing imports. This can create a trade imbalance or a trade disruption in regional or global markets, leading to price volatility. Fusarium blight can also affect wheat stocks by reducing storage or increasing disposal. This can create a stock depletion or a stock accumulation in national or global markets, leading to price instability.

On the demand side, fusarium blight can reduce wheat consumption by lowering preferences or increasing health risks, even as states maintain high standards, the share of global wheat that meets those standards will decrease thereby decreasing supply and decreasing the amount of high quality wheat products available to consumers. This can create a demand decline in domestic or international markets, leading to lower prices. 

On the supply side, fusarium blight can also affect wheat income by reducing profits or increasing costs. This can create an income loss or an income transfer in producer or consumer groups, leading to price inequality. Fusarium blight can also affect wheat population by reducing growth or increasing mortality. This can create a wheat population decrease or a population displacement in rural or urban areas, leading to price insecurity.

Wider Consequences and Political Risk

The wider consequences of fusarium blight in winter wheat are related to its potential effects on food security, public health, trade, and environment. Fusarium blight can reduce the availability and accessibility of wheat as a staple food for millions of people around the world. Fusarium blight can also compromise the nutritional quality and safety of wheat products due to mycotoxin contamination. Fusarium blight can affect the trade relations between countries that produce or import winter wheat, as different countries may have different standards and regulations for mycotoxin levels. Fusarium blight can also have environmental implications, as it may increase the use of fungicides that can have negative effects on biodiversity and water quality.

The political risk of fusarium blight in winter wheat can be explained as the possibility of conflicts or disputes arising from the different interests and perspectives of various stakeholders involved in the production, consumption, and trade of wheat. For example, fusarium blight can create tensions between wheat exporters and importers, as the former may face lower demand and higher costs due to quality issues, while the latter may face higher prices and lower supply due to scarcity issues. Fusarium blight can also create challenges for policymakers and regulators, as they have to balance the needs and expectations of different groups, such as farmers, consumers, processors, traders, and environmentalists. Fusarium blight can also affect the stability and security of regions or countries that depend heavily on wheat as a food source, as it can cause food shortages, malnutrition, and health problems. Fusarium blight can also trigger social unrest or violence, as people may protest or riot against the authorities or other groups for their perceived failures or injustices related to wheat production or distribution.

Conclusion

In conclusion, fusarium blight emerges as a looming threat to global wheat production and security, with its multifaceted impacts on yield, grain quality, human and animal health, and international trade. The intertwined relationship between fusarium blight and climate change exacerbates the challenge, requiring comprehensive and adaptive strategies. Beyond its immediate economic consequences, the disease's far-reaching effects on food security, public health, trade relations, and environmental sustainability underscore the urgency for collaborative international efforts. Addressing fusarium blight demands not only innovative agricultural practices, resistant crop varieties, and stringent regulatory standards but also necessitates a holistic approach, involving policymakers, researchers, farmers, and consumers to ensure the resilience of global wheat production systems in the face of this pressing threat.

Niger Coup: What Could've Left the Sahel's Last Bastion so Vulnerable?

Introduction

Niger’s President Mohamed Bazoum has been ousted from power, claims the presidential guard, who appeared on national television late on Wednesday night, mere hours after he was captured in the country’s presidential palace. The coup artists claim to have suspended all political institutions in the country. General Abdourahamane Tiani, the head of Niger’s presidential guard, who previously was rumoured to have been in negotiations with the president after Bazoum planned to demote him from head of the organisation, was initially challenged by the wider armed forces and national guard, who threatened to attack the insurrectionists unless they stepped down; those same armed forces now back the coup against Bazoum to supposedly prevent a bloodbath, even as Bazoum pledged to protect the democratic gains made in the country, in spite of recent events.

The following report provides a summary of the potential contributors to the instability in Niger, including the precarious security situation, growing anti-French and pro-Russian sentiments, dwindling food supply, political mismanagement of the world’s fastest growing population, and a sharp rise in the price of fuel. 

National Overview

Niger is a multicultural yet overwhelmingly Muslim North-West African nation, around double the size of Texas or France, bordering Nigeria to the South, Mali to the West, Algeria and Libya to the North, and Chad to the East, as well as other smaller nations in all directions. It usually resides at the bottom of most indicators of human development and is one of the poorest nations on earth, with a population of around 25 million people. It is a former French colony, with French being the language of administration. France remains one of its primary import and export partners. Moreover, the country still uses the Franc as its currency. 

The Hausa (also majorly present in northern Nigeria) live mainly in the South and centre of the country and are the largest ethnic group at 51% of the population. The Zarma-Songhai make up 21% of the population and primarily reside in the nation’s southwest. 80% of the country’s area is covered by the Sahara Desert. This area, however, only contains 20% of the country’s population, made up primarily of the Tuareg and other ethnic groups, which make up the remainder of Niger’s population. The sheer size of the Sahara makes water scarce, particularly in the north of the country. The South, however, has a  more tropical climate with higher rainfall. It is home to both French and American military bases, with both countries involved in the international effort against Jihadist groups in the Sahel region of North West Africa; a section of this region forms part of Niger’s territory.

Situational Background

Niger is no stranger to coups and coup attempts, with military officers overthrowing presidents in 1974, 1996, 1999, and 2010. Bazoum’s ascent to the presidency, however, was the country’s first ever case of a peaceful transfer of power from one president to another, despite an attempted coup just two days before Bazoum’s inauguration in 2021 as well as accusations of fraud from the second place candidate, Mahamane Ousmane, whose supporters have held mass rallies. Bazoum was the preferred successor of his predecessor, Mahamadou Issoufou, who stepped down voluntarily. Rather than a break with Niger’s tradition of military coups, this suggests an aberration created by the transfer of power from one chairman of the board to another, instead of one governmental apparatus handing over to another. 

Yet, Bazoum’s regime had begun to be viewed within the country as increasingly repressive and not particularly popular. Additionally, his predecessor may have been viewed internationally as an effective democratic leader, but this view is rarely found in Niger itself, with wide scale industrial action taking place under both Bazoum’s and Issoufou’s reigns respectively.

Militants in the Sahel and Lake Chad Basin

Bazoum, seen by many within Niger as a puppet of French authorities, has stated that France’s anti-Jihadist force in the region is a “relative failure, it’s a shared failure, a failure of the entire coalition." He also stated that France’s troop drawdown in the region would have only a limited impact. In fact, on the same day that Bazoum’s election victory was certified by the nation’s constitutional court, armed men on motorbikes attacked a string of villages on the Mali border, leaving 137 dead in the nation’s deadliest violence in recent times.

There are now more fatalities linked to militant islamist groups in the Sahel than in any other region of Africa. In fact, violence in the Sahel increases year on year, while fatalities linked to islamist groups in other parts of Africa have fallen.

In the West, the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS) and Jama’at Nusrat al Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM), made up of various Al Qaeda affiliates, with the Macina Liberation Front (FLM) being the one most active in the Sahel, are the largest contributors to fatalities linked to islamist violence in the region. The Africa Center for Strategic Studies attributes these two groups with the majority of violent attacks and islamist militant violence in the Sahel, which now accounts for 60% of such violence across the continent. 

This has led to the displacement of approximately 2.5 million people across the region, although Burkina Faso accounts for the majority of those displaced. Some of the latest data from 2021, the year of Bazmoun’s inauguration, showed a 50% rise in battles between JNIM forces and security forces, while battles with ISGS fell by 45%. 

The main groups operating in Eastern Niger, as part of the Lake Chad Basin, are Boko Haram, the Islamic State in West Africa (ISWA), and Ansaru. These groups are also present in Nigeria, Cameroon, and Chad. The Lake Chad Basin is now the second highest region in Africa for fatalities linked to militant islamist groups. Its trend is overall downward, however, as opposed to the increasing violence in the Sahel. As of 2021, the Basin saw a 32% drop in militant islamist activity and a 21% drop in reported fatalities linked to militant islamist groups. Boko Haram is the group most on the decline, with a drop in linked fatalities of 46%, while ISWA only saw a drop of 3%. This discrepancy is most likely due to the death of Boko Haram’s longtime leader, Abubakur Shekau, in May 2021 and subsequent regrouping.

The relative rise in violence in the Sahel, and the drop in Lake Chad, present new problems for security forces in Niger. In 2012, the vast majority of violence that forces in Niger had to contend with was situated in the east of the nation, in the Lake Chad Basin. Although violence in the Basin has recently been on the decline, the sharp rise in violence in the Sahel, contained in parts of western Niger, leaves the counter-islamist-militant coalition split across the country with only vast desert and a small section of tropical savannah linking the two fronts, making transfers of troops and supplies by land vulnerable and logistically difficult.

Growing Anti-French Sentiment and Increasing Russian Influence Across the Region

There is little information on why the same presidential guard that fought to protect Bazoum’s life in March 2021, has captured him and supplanted Niger’s political institutions. There are serious concerns that the Wagner group is connected. Fans were flamed by Wagner Group Commander Yevgeny Prigozhin’s attendance at a recent Russia-Africa summit in St Petersburg, suggesting Wagner and the Russian state remain partners on the continent. Prigozhin's public statements, characterising the coup as “a battle by the people of Niger against their colonisers”, were especially alarming. The Wagner Group’s goals as a private military company (PMC) are to secure profit while advancing Russian socio-economic and foreign policy interests.

Niger and the wider region of Francophone North-West Africa have come under increasing Russian influence in recent times. This has combined with existing anti-colonial and anti-French sentiment to create a perfect storm of public pressure against the French and the West as a whole. The same week as the coup in Niger, the new Mali constitution, brought in via referendum, demoted French as an official language to the status of a “working” language. This subsequently promoted a number of native languages to official status. 

The French military’s operations in Mali were always only somewhat supported by the population, with one especially gruesome event where a French air strike killed 22 people at a wedding, exemplifying the tension, propensity for callousness, and frequent unforced errors made by the French military. The French government asserted that those killed were Jihadis, while the UN concluded that they were overwhelmingly civilians. Mali has now turned to the Wagner Group for military aid in fighting insurgencies, and expelled its French forces. 

Bazoum, however, has identified France as an easy target for "the populist discourse of certain opinions, especially on social media among African youth” and that “its adversaries want to project an image of France as a neocolonialist power. Some people stick to that cliché, which is not true, but which is very useful for propaganda.” He stated that Wagner had been ineffective in Mali, and that the number of refugees entering Niger from Mali had actually increased since the departure of French forces in the region.

With many of Niger’s neighbours creeping out of western influence, the nation seemed increasingly to be the last bastion of the so-called “coup belt”, a grouping of predominantly Francophone Central and West African countries. 

The French government in particular came to view Niger as a partner of last resort, as its other options dissipated. Ibrahim Yahaya Ibrahim, a senior Sahel analyst at the International Crisis Group speaking to the Financial Times, said Bazoum’s pro-western stance had received a mixed reception at home, where he had taken “quite a hit”. “The same anti-French discourse that has proliferated in Mali and Burkina Faso is also present in Niger”. More specifically, Bazoum had complained of disinformation campaigns by Wagner against his government. Perhaps then it is no surprise that supporters of the Niger coup have been seen waving Russian flags all over the country, seen by many as Niger’s ally against western hegemony and colonialism.

Wagner’s preference for payment in natural resources, most commonly valuable raw minerals, is not news. Niger produces 7% of the world’s Uranium, with most of it ending up in France for use in the nation’s many nuclear power stations, which produce around 70% of French power. Around three quarters of France’s Uranium comes from just four countries: Kazakhstan, Australia, Niger, and Uzbekistan. However, Niger has been diversifying its customer base, with significant shares of the country’s uranium now being sold to companies based in Canada and China, with each nation’s operation in Niger maintaining its own extraction sites.

Therefore, the theory has been circulated that the coup in Niger achieves two goals for Wagner and the Russian government. Firstly, Wagner may now be able to operate in Niger in exchange for uranium, which can then be used in Russia for military and/or civilian purposes, or sold on international markets.

Secondly, Wagner may develop the relationships necessary to divert significant amounts of Uranium away from the French energy market, jeopardising the price of energy in France and bringing an energy-borne cost of living crisis there that countries dependent on Russian gas have been experiencing in the rest of Europe. This aspect of the coup will develop further in the coming weeks and is set for much speculation.

The Ukraine War and Global Fertiliser Supply

Much of Niger’s land is used to produce food. Despite this, the country’s largest import is rice, at a value of $275m. This demonstrates a caloric deficit in the country’s domestic food supply and leaves Niger’s food supply vulnerable to international pressures. For instance, the Russian invasion of Ukraine has left the developing world in the lurch. Russia is the largest agricultural fertiliser producer in the world. As such, the supply of such fertilisers has decreased all across the African continent. This is because most fertilisers are produced using coal or natural gas, the global price of which has led to a sharp increase in the price of fertilisers and subsequently food. As a result, the president of the African Development Bank predicts a 20% drop in food production across the continent. At present, around 44% of Nigerien children are malnourished, and around 18% of the population was predicted to have reached crisis levels of food insecurity between June 2022 and June 2023, this was twice as many as the same 12 month period previously. Niger’s population is also uniquely young, with an average population of around 14, which makes the population particularly exposed to food shortages as such a large proportion of the population are children.

A recent emergency response plan from the Nigerien government was budgeted at $280m; however, it became clear that it included a $200m shortfall. Additionally, the UN Food Programme has slashed food rations by 50% since January 2022 in response to the increasing global scarcity of food. So many children are now entering clinics with malnutrition that clinics across the country no longer have the resources to treat them, with many families not even being able to travel to clinics, being forced to watch their children die at home. 

The Silent Pandemic of Climate Change

The Ukraine war is one reason for the rise in hunger, but another is climate change. Thousands of farmers in Niger are facing the oncoming storm of what has been called the “silent pandemic”. Niger is especially vulnerable to global warming, with temperatures rising there at a rate 1.5 times faster than the rest of the world. Nigerien farmers are being forced to adapt to their new environment as rainfall both becomes more scarce and increasingly erratic, leading to a cycle of droughts that are progressively eroding the 14% of the country’s land that is arable. As a result, the nation has not had a good harvest for around a decade, with 2021 seeing a 39% drop in cereal production. 

Not only can we expect further drops in quantity production but also in quality. Changing conditions in which many grains are grown also have an impact on the quality of that supply and the nutritional benefit of the final product crop. For instance, high levels of atmospheric CO2 lead to a reduction in protein percentage. This, combined with high temperatures limiting the supply of glutenin protein polymers, is likely to have a negative effect on the ability of grain to be turned into dough and thus baked into processed food products such as bread. Additionally, heat stress over 30oC (with temperatures in Niger often reaching 40oC) reduces the rate at which starch accumulates, leading to grains grown in hotter environments containing fewer calories than those grown in more temperate conditions. With the world heating up, the problem of reduced calorie content in grain suggests obvious problems whereby no costs are reduced in production but the final product becomes progressively of less nutritional worth as the planet’s temperature rises.

These factors combine to create what is known as the “lean season”, the period between harvests of about four months. The lean season begins earlier every year, leading many to abandon their villages and settlements in the knowledge that to remain is to ensure starvation, and the only chance they have of survival resides in fleeing either to the cities or relatively aimlessly through the rural areas.

The World’s Fastest Population Growth and the Traitor Narrative

President Bazoum had attempted to make reducing family size a core tenet of his policy programme, with Niger having the world’s highest birth rate. Niger’s population is on track to triple by 2050, from 24 million to 68 million people. For many, this seems to allow Niger to share in the benefits of other populous nations such as China, India, and Nigeria in gaining political clout with the population. However, there are many warnings being made on the link between a high birth rate and rampant poverty.

The attitude most prevalent in Niger, however, is that there is much land but not enough people to fill it. In fact, Garé Amadou, editor in chief of the La Nation newspaper, states that many in the country believe the concerns over population growth are “just something that worries western countries” and that a large proportion of Nigeriens believe that there is a clandestine foreign agenda to contain Africa’s burgeoning population.

Bazoum's public pronouncement of his negative feelings towards rapid population growth has been an act of self-sabotage, especially in combination with specific policy measures. Many in Niger are not comfortable with a president, who has banned his ministers from polygamous marriage and declared the practise “a bad thing” in a country where a third of the population lives in such a marriage. Bazoum has also publicly advocated for the establishment of all girls boarding schools, where children would be educated away from their families by the state. Both of these measures are rooted in the noble goal of keeping women and girls in education for as long as possible. However, many commentators, both within and without Nigerien society, find it hard to comprehend how its president can believe that these measures would ever be popular. 

In fact, these public pronouncements have been read by many within the country as rejections of Nigerien culture and the prescriptions of the Koran. This has created a common view that Bazoum is what in the west would be referred to as “virtue signalling” or “making a contribution to moral discourse that aims to convince others that one is ‘morally respectable”. In this case, the Nigerien population views the “others” that Bazoum is trying to convince of his moral respectability as western observers and authorities. This has contributed to the image of the President as being too pro-western, anti-tradition, and a puppet of the French and American governments.

However, almost all involved in the subject, both nationally and internationally, agree that an average of below three children per woman, is a necessary precondition for rapid economic development. Additionally, the Koran does not advocate for the maximum number of wives and children, but for men to have many children and more than one wife as long as they can be provided for, something that Niger’s economy is not capable of doing so healthily. Additionally, many religious leaders in the country are showing the way on increasing the use of contraception to prevent couples from having children they are unable to afford. 

There has also been a significant cultural transition in maternity wards, with wives now giving birth in the company of their husbands, something quite rare until relatively recently. Furthermore, pregnant women are receiving more attention and care from their partners during pregnancy. However, the director of Issaka Gazoby maternity hospital in the capital Niamey, Mady Nayama, states that “population growth in Africa is frightening” and that the lack of resources available in the country to sustain such a fast growing population leads to intense poverty with “poverty that turns these children into vagabonds.” Niger’s birth rate is still the highest in the world but has been slowly declining for around 20 years. However, Nayama claims that many are still resistant to change and that “our religion tells us that, if God gives a child, he will feed it. But that’s not happening.”

If Bazoum had communicated the link between lowering the birth rate and increasing economic growth to the population, in addition to leaning into the efforts of religious leaders and medical professionals to increase the use of contraception, he may have been aided in steering the political ship away from the erroneous course of mistrust in the nation’s political institutions and making his own voice the herald of unpopular cultural change.

The End of Nigerian Fuel Subsidies and the Collapse of the Black Market

Most coups and coup attempts in Niger come about to secure the revenues of uranium and/or oil exports from the country. Although, it is not yet certain that this is the case here. The motivations of the coup artists remain elusive, with only their public statements to rely on, the candour of which cannot yet be evaluated. What seems more likely is that the very presence of oil and gold in the country has contributed to political instability, in addition to oil price shocks as a result of policy decisions made in neighbouring countries.

Nigeria’s President Bola Tinubu announced during his inauguration speech in May that the Nigerian “fuel subsidy is gone!”, with measures already taking effect in the country. The price of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) rose rapidly to somewhere between NGN 488 per litre in the capital and NGN 555 per litre in Borno State. 

Niger has also been affected. The major population centres of the south have become dependent on cheap, smuggled, Nigerian-subsidised petrol. Usually arriving at illegal fuel warehouses and being sold on the black market via touts waving petrol canisters by the roadside. The sudden end of subsidies has led to shortages in Niger’s most populated areas and sharp price rises. Previously, a litre of petrol could be bought for around 250 francs (around 45 cents US), but this has risen to around 600 Francs, more expensive than even at regular petrol stations. The rush on those petrol stations is especially severe in the south but is occurring all over the country. According to officials at the nation’s oil ministry, the price of petrol at regular stations has increased tenfold as demand at the pump increases. Consequently, transport costs have increased exponentially. For instance, at markets in the south, the price of a 100 kg sack of maize has risen by 4,000 Francs to 28,000, worsening an already precarious situation around the country’s food supply.

SONIDEP, the Nigerien Company for Oil Products, is coping with the sudden shortfall with reserves from the country’s only oil refinery. However, those reserves will not last forever, and eventually a decision will have to be made on whether to purchase fuel from overseas or begin to operate its sole refinery at maximum output.

The black market also functioned as a primary source of employment for many young men in the south of the country. It is now feared that many of this working-age population will be forced to turn to crime, or worse, to put increasingly expensive food on the table.

Conclusion

This political risk report highlights several key factors contributing to the instability in Niger. The recent ousting of President Bazoum by the presidential guard, leading to the suspension of political institutions, underscores the country's historical vulnerability to coups and power struggles. The precarious security situation, marked by increasing violence from militant Islamist groups in the Sahel and Lake Chad Basin, poses a significant challenge to the nation's stability. Additionally, growing Russian influence left Niger isolated as a bastion of unpopular former colonisers.

Niger's vulnerability to external factors is evident in its food supply situation. Reliance on food imports, particularly rice, coupled with the disruption caused by the Ukraine war and global fertiliser supply issues, exacerbates food insecurity and malnutrition in the country. Climate change is also a critical factor affecting agricultural productivity, contributing to the "silent pandemic" of climate change.

The trajectory of Niger's population growth is a matter of concern, with an anticipated tripling of the population by 2050. The government's attempts to address this issue, such as advocating for smaller family sizes and promoting girls' education, have been met with resistance, leading to perceptions of the president being out of touch with the country's cultural norms and influenced by Western interests.

Furthermore, the recent end of fuel subsidies in Nigeria has had adverse effects on Niger, leading to shortages and price hikes in the country, exacerbating the already challenging economic situation.

Niger faces a complex web of political, security, economic, and social challenges that require careful and strategic management to foster stability and address the underlying causes of instability. Only time will tell if this comes to pass.

Climate change, El Niño and food security in China

Heavy rainfall in China has caused significant damage to wheat fields, leading to an increase in wheat prices. As the world's top consumer and producer of wheat, China's agricultural sector plays a crucial role in global food security. The impact of the recent extreme weather events on wheat production could be catastrophic for China’s food security, and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has announced measures being taken to mitigate the risks.

Henan province, accounting for 25% of China's wheat production, has suffered the worst rainfall near harvest in over a decade. This extreme weather pattern has caused flooding and landslides, resulting in the loss of lives, and further exacerbating concerns about food security. The recent occurrence of record-breaking heatwaves and droughts in China, including Shanghai's hottest May in a century, has raised alarm bells regarding the vulnerability of the country's food supply. Despite the current rain, officials remain worried that the drought may extend to the Yangtze River Basin, which provides China with two-thirds of its rice. Animals have already succumbed to the intense heat, further underscoring the urgency to address the water scarcity issue. El Niño, a natural phenomenon that brings even warmer temperatures originating from the Pacific, is also a cause for concern, as it could exacerbate China's food security challenges.

China's wheat production reached 140 million tonnes in 2022, highlighting its significance as a key crop for the nation and the world. The country is expected to have a bumper crop this year, which is a harvest with an unusually high yield. However, the heavy rains in the last few weeks have resulted in damaged wheat crops, pushing up prices in regions like Henan and causing concerns for both domestic and international markets. Due to the damage to wheat crops, animal feed markets have started to replace corn with cheaper wheat, leading to further price fluctuations. While the rains have temporarily supported prices, the long-term impact remains uncertain, as commodity analysts in Shanghai suggest that clarity will only emerge once the rainfall subsides, which could be as late as August.

Several government agencies agree with the Ministry of Emergency Management also predicting that rain, floods, and hailstorms are likely to persist until August. Northern China faces water-related disasters, the South may experience drought, and the East Coast, a key driver of economic growth, could encounter typhoon storms earlier than usual. Sichuan and Chongqing provinces face a significant risk of reduced rainfall, increasing the threat of drought and adding to the complexity of China's food security situation. Food security has been identified as a top priority by the Chinese government, with President Xi Jinping emphasising its critical importance to national security. Scientists have already warned that climate change will exacerbate global food security challenges in the future, making it crucial for China to address its vulnerabilities and develop resilient agricultural practices.

So far, markets have been focused on the destruction of the Kakhovka Dam in Ukraine. On 6th June,  following the sabotage and subsequent flooding of the surrounding area, the price of global wheat spiked 2.4% to US$6.39 per bushel. Corn and oats both rose by 1% and 0.73% respectively. Markets have likely priced in the upcoming possible disruptions in wheat supplies from China, but the extent to which the disasters could damage this year’s yield is yet to be seen, and could surprise analysts. The Kakhovka Dam’s destruction is a reminder to markets of the volatility of wheat supplies, especially to developed countries which are particularly affected by shortages.

Emilia-Romagna Floods: Impact on Local Agribusiness

Since the start of May, the Northern Italian region of Emilia-Romagna has endured heavy rainfall culminating in flash flooding across the region. At time of writing, the region’s weather alert agency classified the provinces of Modena and Bologna at a moderate risk of flooding and gave high-risk flood warnings to the provinces of Ferrara, Ravenna, Forlì-Cesena, and Rimini. Bologna remains at high risk of landslides, although in neighbouring provinces there is only a moderate risk. Satellite imagery published by NASA’s Earth Observatory illustrates the severity of the flooding in farmland near the town of Lugo, in the Province of Ravenna.

Map  1 - Emilia-Romagna Provincial Map. Available here.

Emilia-Romagna is Italy’s fourth region in terms of GDP output behind Lombardy, Latium, and Veneto. The region’s diverse economy is made up of agriculture, manufacturing, and textiles sectors. In the first half of 2022, agricultural output was valued at €575 million ($621 million), just under two per-cent of all regional output. Although agricultural output in the primary sector does not amount to much of the region’s economic output, the processing of agricultural products in the secondary sector represents almost a fifth of Italy’s total agricultural value chain and agri-food exports represent over ten per-cent of the region’s exports, according to information published by the regional government of Emilia-Romagna. 

The collateral damage faced by Emilian farmers is not just economic. The region’s farmers produce 44 geographically-protected agricultural products such as Parmigiano Reggiano, Parma ham, balsamic vinegar, and Lambrusco wine. In addition to this, the region’s farmers and their respective research partners are field-leading innovators of food safety farming practices. This has led Confagricoltura – an Italian farming association – to describe the situation as having the potential to trigger a significant socio-economic gulf within the region, due to the costs of rebuilding. Currently, Confagicoltura estimates a cost of approximately €40,000-50,000/hectare for fruit farmland ($43,250-$54,060/hectare) and €6,000/hectare for grain and cereal farmers ($6,490/hectare), not to mention the years it will take for affected farms to return to capacity-level production. Notwithstanding, the large part of the region’s spring harvests are pretty much written off as fruit trees suffer from root rot and 400,000 tonnes of wheat have been lost. 

The figures reported above only represent the immediate cost for the 5,000 farms impacted by the floods, and do not consider the longer-term social and economic costs associated with the loss of assets and labour of Emilian farmers – not to mention the increase in costs of secondary food products which are the heart of gastrotourism in the region. For the Italian government, there is the question of financing reparations and rebuilding. At the moment, some €100 million ($108 million) have been approved by the central government for relief spending in Emilia-Romagna, as head of government Giorgia Meloni explores the use of the European Union’s Solidarity Fund.

Cover Image Credits: International News - The Chronicles of Life. Available here.

Copper Shortages and the Transition to Green Energy

Copper, as a chemical element, is one of the most important because it is especially good at conducting heat and electricity, relative to other metals. It has multiple functions, including its use in industrial machinery and electronic equipment or as a raw material in the development and evolution of clean energies. Copper deficit for 2023 has already been announced, and it also symbolizes a period of crisis for plenty of projects and industries. The cause is an evident increase in demand and a severe supply constraint.

Supply-side factors

Most of the world’s suppliers are concentrated in Latin America, where the 10 most important mines are located: Chile (3), Peru (3) and Mexico (1). Unfortunately, a series of recent events have led to a shortage in the supply of copper. In fact, problematical political situations in some of these countries have exacerbated the current deficit. Some of them are:

• PERU: It represents 10% of the world's copper supply.  

As a consequence of the dismissal of Pedro Castillo for declaring the dissolution of the congress and the state of emergency, some unrest occurred in the last few months, affecting about 30% of copper production.

These are the main mines located in Peru:

- Antamina: It is the largest copper deposit in Peru and represents almost 20% of national production. In 2021, an indefinite suspension of operations was declared due to unrest caused by peasant communities blocking access to the facilities.

- Glencore's Antapaccay: This copper mine has been attacked several times in the first month of 2023 and protesters are demanding the cessation of the mine's operations. As a result, the mine temporarily halted its operations.

- MMG's Las Bambas: The mining company has halted and slowed down copper production due to transportation blockages, as in previous occasions what has been generated is an accumulation of production without being able to dispose of it.

• CHILE: The major supplier. It represents 27% of the world copper supply.

Increasing environmental regulation has raised production costs in the mining industry and raised barriers to expansion, as happened with the Dominga mining megaproject due to its environmental impact.

Indeed, companies such as BHP Group, Antofagasta PLC y Freeport-McMoRan Inc. have postponed major investments in this business.

• MEXICO: The same stance was adopted. Strict environmental mining regulations have stalled up to 25 major projects by freezing new mining concessions and taking a tougher line on the processing of environmental permits.

Therefore, the main causes of the supply constraints are regulatory concerns about their environmental impact and logistic problems related to the capacity to transport supplies (road blockades and protests) and the chaos generated by the protests, which has forced the suspension or interruption of mining companies’ activities.

In addition, during the first week of February, the operations of First Quantum Minerals, which operated in Panama and is considered one of the largest mines in Latin America, were suspended. The inconveniences this time were caused by disagreements with the Panamanian government in the payment of royalties and taxes.

Demand-side factors

The lack of balance between supply and demand is also due to the simultaneous increase in copper consumption in China, driven by a growth in its economic expansion, and its reopening of the market after the pandemic period. China is the world's largest copper consumer and has increased its demand due to the large investments and infrastructure projects that are on the way. 

Along the same lines is the global project to move towards a green energy transition. In accordance with the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (SGD), adopted by the member states of the United Nations and the goals set for 2050, a series of projects have been launched to achieve an efficient energy transition. In light of this planned transiation, copper has become an essential resource as it is essential for the replacement of fossil fuel-based power systems with renewable energy sources.

Therefore, the energy transition has led to a huge demand for copper. Indeed, annual demand will double to 50 million tons by 2035, raising the concern that shortages could result in a reversal of the course of the energy transition. This been seen already in industries such as  as construction, manufacturing, architecture. Additionally, the automotive sector’s ability to produce electric vehicles on a large scale will be especially hindered by such shortages. 

Summary 

The halt in production in the world's main copper-producing regions has exacerbated the impact of increasing demand for copper. Cash-settlement prices for copper listed on the London Metal Exchange (LME) show a rapid increase in copper prices from $5,965 to $8,387 in the period between end of year 2018 to end of year 2022.So far this quarter the LME’s copper cash-settlements peaked at  $9.436 on January 18. Experts predict that the price will remain above US$8,500 per tonne for the next few years, with the risk of even exceeding US$10,000.

Unfortunately, a similar situation may occur with other relevant minerals such as lithium and cobalt. In fact, copper experience will be a clear reference for other raw materials in order to find an effective solution.

In the end, it is all about balancing the dilemma between the environmental, social and governance (ESG) practices that are the main challenges of mining and increasing copper production to supply key sectors of the green transition and the economy.

All in all, the supply of copper will be substantially impaired by the following factors: 

• Copper is a necessary element in many manufacturing and construction industries, added to the growing demand in renewable energy projects that use this element as part of the transition.

• The demand for copper from high consuming countries such as China will cause the supply and demand balance to become more unbalanced if a controlled supply solution is not found.

• The lack of consensus between the private sector, the public sector and communities around mining will maintain the constant blockades and protests in the main copper-supplying cities in Latin America.

• Environmental regulation is increasingly relevant for the development of the mining activity but has become a barrier to its operation.

• The cessation of activities of the main mining companies abruptly generates a deficit in the copper supply, which has a direct impact on the price of copper, given the scarcity situation, expanding the damage caused by the initial problem.

Climate Policies for the Shipping Industry: What They Mean for Global Supply Chains

Just as businesses throughout the world grapple with the effects of the coronavirus pandemic and the Ukraine crisis on global supply chains, another issue looms: new emissions standards that promise to affect how shippers run numerous transoceanic and regional channels.

Decarbonization is a costly endeavour, but the European Union (EU) seems willing to make the sacrifice. The European Commission offered a variety of options in July 2021 to help the EU accomplish its objective of decreasing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by 55% by 2030 compared to 1990 levels.

One such policy would eliminate free allowances for cement, iron, steel, fertiliser, and aluminum producers and instead assess import duties on these items based on their carbon footprint. This so-called carbon border adjustment mechanism (CBAM) attempts to even out the playing field by requiring other nations around the world exporting to the EU to account for the carbon they generate whilst exporting steel. CBAM is typically imposed and regulated by the recipient country, which imposes a carbon tax on some imported commodities at a rate equivalent to that of comparable local products.

To add to the difficulties, the EU intends to include ships in its Emissions Trading System (ETS) in 2023. For journeys between EU and non-EU ports, shipping corporations will be required to purchase licenses for 50% of emissions. Danish shipping giant Maersk has already declared tariffs for its trade lanes from Asia to North Europe and North Europe to the United States, and others will be required to jump on board. While an impending economic downturn is already bringing down shipping rates, they are unlikely to revert to pre-pandemic values in the long run because the additional expenditures must be paid for.

For managers planning their supply chains, there are several important things to pay attention to:

The costs of carbon reduction in maritime transport will alter the economics of where commodities are sourced. Although spot market rates have lately decreased, it is certainly impossible to expect cost to return to pre-pandemic levels. While carriers want to add significant new capacities in the coming years, forecasting shipping prices is difficult since the retirement of ageing capacity that will have difficulty following the ETS standards would likely balance out the increases. Much will depend on whether import demand in the United States falls and carriers choose to idle ships. Other industries, such as bulk carriers and vessels for transporting motor vehicles, may face substantial hurdles due to a lack of a robust order book for newer, more efficient vessels to supplant older ones that must be retired. High-volume trade corridors where container lines could employ newer, larger, and more efficient infrastructure will perform better, but overall, even if manufacturing costs are lower, it could make less sense to produce hundreds of products far away from where they will be consumed.

Lower-volume trade corridors will probably see fewer and more expensive services. This was anticipated in 2021, at the peak of the supply chain crises, when Japan lost certain direct eastbound connections to North America as container lines attempted to juggle capacity constraints and delays by eliminating port visits from their scheduled rotations (a more efficient technique of running the ships). The ETS rules will favour efficiency by allowing for larger ships, fewer port visits, and less frequent service while maximising capacity utilisation per ship.

Companies that export to Europe or have European suppliers should budget for the greater expenses that CBAM, ETS, and other countries' initiatives will impose. Managers must expect other nations outside the EU to adopt similar steps. Managers in the United States, for example, must pay heed to Canada, which has mandated a significant increase in carbon pricing for 2030. Comparable border adjustment methods may come under pressure in heavy-GHG-emitting industries like the steel industry.

As explained above, carbon transition policies and laws are expected to have a significant impact on the structure of  supply chains. Cost increases and the practicalities of shipping logistics are both on the rise. Therefore, now is the time to start planning for this new age.

Image credit: Eric Kilby via Flickr

The Energy Charter Treaty is breaking up. Here’s why:

Last week, France announced its plans to withdraw from the Energy Charter Treaty. This decision followed similar announcements of countries such as the Netherlands, Spain and Poland to withdraw as well. The treaty has been decreasing in importance and could even be argued to be problematic. Yet, the question remains why these decisions have been made now and what the risks will be for France, other countries, companies, and energy (security) in general.

The Treaty

The Energy Charter Treaty (ECT) was initially designed to promote energy cooperation between Eastern and Western Europe, after the Cold War. It is a multilateral agreement, ratified by 53 countries, solely dedicated to the energy sector. The ECT allows for a common energy market and offers a forum to discuss energy-related issues. It also provides guarantees to energy companies with regards to their foreign investments, mainly compensation in the face of regulatory or policy changes. 

Nowadays, the ECT’s role extends beyond east–west cooperation. Rather it is aimed at stimulating FDI and trade in the energy sector globally (at least between all its signatories). Its objectives are to contribute to energy geopolitics, energy security, and to overcome economic divisions. It does so through 1) binding provisions, related to investment protection, free trade, freedom of transit and a mechanism for dispute resolution and 2) non-binding provisions related to environmental protection and the promotion of energy efficiency.

The importance of the ECT, however, has decreased significantly over the years. Firstly, because of Russia’s withdrawal from the provisional application in 2009. As the country remained Europe’s main supplier of energy products throughout the years, it marked a certain obsolescence for the treaty that was specifically designed for energy cooperation. 

Secondly, because of the rise of new global, regional, and bilateral treaties and partnerships. It has led to a fundamental question of what will happen to the ECT’s trade provisions, once all ECT members accede to the WTO. Does it become obsolete or will the risk of overlap create tension between the treaties during certain instances? It is not clear which norms will prevail, as there exists no explicit hierarchy. 

Thirdly, the ECT failed in attracting FDI into non-EU countries. As such, it failed in one of its main policy objectives. Moreover, the main reason behind FDI in Europe had little to do with ECT provisions. Rather EU energy policies seemed to be the driving forces of FDI in EU member states, suggesting that the ECT’s impact there had been rather limited.

France’s decision

Yet the main reason behind the withdrawal plans of France and other countries is not the ECT’s decreasing importance, although that may have played a role in it. Rather, it has to do with some problematic aspects of the treaty, namely its dispute settlement mechanism. According to a report, this made the treaty a particularly attractive tool for foreign investors. It is one of its main fallacies. While it protects investors against states, it does not protect states against investors, specifically when they fail to meet contractual obligations. This one-sided guarantee has been controversial.

More importantly, however, are climate considerations. Although plans lie on the table to modernise the ECT’s agenda, it would not include phasing out fossil fuels. This in turn would mean that by 2050 at least one third of the remaining global carbon budget would still be protected by the ECT. Moreover, energy corporations would be incentivised to use the dispute settlement mechanisms as new national plans threaten their industry. Therefore, climate activists argue that governments will delay or even cancel their plans for fear of legal action. In other words, the dispute settlement mechanism provided will lead to “a regulatory chill effect”. Ironically, energy demand reduction is not protected by the ECT. For governments it marks the contradicting nature between their green plans and the ECT. 

Following this, it seemed logical that France withdrew from the treaty. As French President Emmanuel Macron said last week: "we have decided to withdraw from the Energy Charter Treaty, first because it's in line with the positions we've taken, notably the Paris Accord and what it implies.” Yet, the Paris Accord was adopted almost seven years ago and the contradictions were well known years beforehand. So why now?

The reason seems to be strategic. With the need to find alternatives to Russian gas, France seems to be well aware of the opportunities that lie ahead. Combined with plans to speed up renewable energy developments, its withdrawal from the ECT marks a new energy strategy that should attract investors to France’s ‘green’ energy sector. 

What are the risks?

Withdrawing from the treaty is not without consequences. France and other countries that have decided to leave will remain vulnerable to litigation for 20 years. This is a part of the ECT’s sunset clause. While the European Commission has proposed to limit that clause to 10 years, that will only apply to signatory countries. Hence, the Netherlands will opt for a third way, where they will sign the reformed treaty and then pull out. France has indicated to do the same.   

Less protection for fossil fuel investments, however, will also lead to less incentives to invest. Hence, in the long-term foreign investments in the sector are likely to decrease. This is in line with decarbonisation plans, but the impact for energy security will be questionable. If renewable energy plans fail to deliver the needed supplies, the fossil fuel sector might not be able to supply them immediately as well. Inevitably, this will lead to tight markets and high prices, both for renewables and non-renewables. 

There also is a geopolitical risk involved with leaving the treaty. It will create a vacuum, where other countries might be able to jump in. A major withdrawal from France and other countries might open up the door to China, according to some analysts. If China accedes, it will benefit from the treaty and it will be able to accelerate its BRI project on the Silk road. Hence, the decision of France and other countries might have consequences that go beyond a break-up with the protection of fossil fuel investments.