Bodies as Battlefields: A Report on Sexual Violence in the Sudan Civil War
The conflict in Sudan, which erupted in mid-April between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), has caused a significant humanitarian toll on the country and a wave of repercussions in the region. One significant consequence is the conflict’s devastating impact on women and girls, which often constitute the most vulnerable demographics in times of war. For them, the horrors of the armed conflict are compounded by the wave of gendered violence and sexual abuse.
Survivors of conflict-related sexual violence endure a myriad of hardships that profoundly impact their lives. These consequences are not confined solely to the act of sexual violence itself but rather unfold within the broader context of other egregious human rights violations. Such harrowing experiences include witnessing the death of family and community members, enduring the loss of local infrastructure and homes, and living in constant fear while facing physical violence. The cumulative effect of these traumas can have severe and lasting repercussions on their health and livelihoods.
Gender and Conflict in Sudan
Since the conflict began, dozens of women have reported acts of rape and sexual violence, with the most occurring in Khartoum and West Darfur. These often occur in a mass pattern and have been linked to both sides of the conflict, but primarily the RSF. The Combating Violence Against Women Unit at the Sudanese Ministry of Social Development has reported 52 documented rape cases in the capital, 31 in South Darfur, and 21 in West Darfur as of August 2nd. According to the unit’s General Director, Sulaima Ishaq Al-Khalifa, sexual assault is severely underreported due to the wartime chaos, weak telecommunications, as well as fear of retaliation and stigma experienced by sexual violence survivors in Sudanese society. Al-Khalifa’s unit estimates that only 2% of the incidents are reported.
Reports of abductions and gang rapes continue to increase, with the majority of the girls targeted being between the ages of 12 and 17. While most of these acts are attributed to the RSF, the group vehemently denies the allegations of rape, arbitrary killings, and targeting of civilian infrastructure. The RSF continues to accuse the Sudanese army of wearing counterfeit RSF uniforms and committing these violations.
In present-day Sudan, women’s safety is severely compromised in both public spaces and within the confines of their homes. Tragically, numerous women are coerced into vacating their homes or are forced to share them with members of the RSF, a circumstance that drastically heightens the risk of abuse and violence. The plight of internally displaced women seeking refuge from the ongoing conflict is particularly dire. The combination of forced displacement, instability, and a lack of adequate protection further exacerbates the already precarious situation faced by these women. This heightens their vulnerability, exposing them to heightened risks of sexual violence, kidnapping, and slavery. The Strategic Initiative for Women in the Horn of Africa (SIHA) stated in their recent report from August 1st that the organisation has “detected alarming information that members of the RSF have been kidnapping female civilians and holding them hostage in Darfur to be ransomed back to their families or possibly be later sold in markets.”
As the risk of sexual violence grows dangerously high for women during wartime, sexual and reproductive health supplies, including rape kits and menstrual hygiene products, are in critical shortage and are often inaccessible to those who need them. Maternity clinics and newborn services are also significantly disrupted, forcing many women to go without key medical care and give birth at home, increasing the risk of obstetric complications. Thousands of women and girls, including those who are pregnant, struggle to access critical health services due to extreme insecurity that has resulted in the destruction and closure of many health facilities (61% in Khartoum as of May 9th), active shootings, and staff shortages. With restricted access to these services and facilities along with limited psychosocial support, women in Sudan are facing a dire humanitarian situation.
Rape as a Weapon of War
In times of war, women significantly become targets of violence, reflecting both strategic considerations and deeply rooted gender inequalities. Sexual violence is systemically employed to intimidate, subjugate, and exert control over populations, perpetuating the cycle of fear and suffering. Its objective is to inflict maximum disruption upon the social fabric of communities, including fuelling terror, displacement, and even ethnic cleansing. Consequently, rape often becomes an integral component of military strategy, with government and military leaders sharing responsibility for their failure to prevent such acts and ensure accountability for the perpetrators.
Wartime rape is frequently utilized as a reward for male participants in conflicts, while female bodies are seen as an entitlement and commodity to control, use, and trade. One such documented case of this pattern occurred in South Sudan. From interviews conducted between February 2020 and February 2022, the UN identified armed groups treating women as “the spoils of war” and facilitating rape as a means to pay the soldiers for fighting rebels. The report also noted mass rape being employed to cement hierarchies and camaraderie, which reinforced solidarity within the group as well as initiated and manipulated younger members into becoming complicit in the group’s crimes.
Another facet of wartime sexual violence is the dynamics of masculine homosocial environments and the group-based, gender-driven attitudes they tend to foster. These include the objectification of women, homophobia, and the use of violence - including sexual - as a means of subjugation of other men. Sexual violence against men and boys also rises during wartime as it is used to torture and humiliate victims. While male-on-male rape occurs less frequently (though cases are severely underreported), it highlights a key characteristic of wartime sexual violence: an exercise of power. Understanding these acts not as isolated incidents but as systemic violations is thus vital when addressing wartime rape comprehensively.
Legal Framework and Systemic Impunity
While reports of sexual violence in Sudan have been emerging since the very onset of the conflict, the accurate scale of the problem remains vastly underreported and acquiring justice appears highly improbable. Due to the state of chaos, no judicial system is currently in place for victims to pursue accountability. The precarious security situation and limited access to medical and psychological care add to barriers for the victims seeking assistance.
The tumultuous nature of war fuels a climate of impunity, further exacerbated by systemic and legal gender inequalities prevailing in Sudan. Sexual violence in this conflict occurs in the context of the patriarchal society of Sudan, in which women hold inferior status. According to Sudan Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP) 2023, “an estimated 3.1 million women, girls and other at-risk populations were exposed to the risks of GBV” at the beginning of this year, even before the war began. Such risks include sexual harassment, female genital mutilation (FGM), child marriages, and domestic violence, including “honour crimes”, that had been on the rise in recent years. With such crimes being widespread even before the conflict began, it set the conditions for such violations to thrive in times of political unrest.
As stated by Sudanese political commentator Dallia Abdelmoniem, “Even before the conflict began, it has not been easy for women in Sudan to seek help in instances of gendered or sexual violence.” She noted, echoing the stances of other women’s rights advocates, that Sudan’s legal framework is a reflection of patriarchal societal attitudes that allow militarised violence to thrive. Attention had been brought to Article 149 of The Criminal Act of 1991, which defined rape as “sexual intercourse, by way of adultery, or sodomy, with any person without his consent.” By conflating rape with adultery, the law put the burden of proof of rape on the victims and disincentivised reporting of assaults. The Criminal Act was amended in 2015 to remove that conflation, however, as the UN 2018 study on Gender Justice and The Law stated, it still contains several issues, including unspecified age of consent and lack of definition of domestic violence or marital rape.
Another factor within the Sudanese legal framework that makes it difficult for victims to get justice is the immunity granted to government-affiliated individuals. As concluded by the 2007 Refugees International report, “legal action cannot be taken against members of the military, security services, police, and border guards and immunity may only be lifted by the individual’s superior officer.” Amidst a lack of an independent judiciary and a framework that grants immunity to the military, victims of sexual violence in Sudan often fear reprisals if they seek legal action. This perpetuates a cycle of violence, reflecting the erosion of the social fabric and systemic insecurity caused by the war.
Sudan’s History of Wartime Rape
The Sudanese military and its militias have a long history of using violence against women as a weapon of war. "The patriarchal culture of the military looks at the bodies of women as objects to conquer and dominate, and furthermore, looks at sexual violence as a deliberate tool of punishing women who dare to take part in the public spaces by either protesting or engaging in political activities," according to Ilaf Nasreldin, Co-founder and Chief Operating Officer of AMNA - an organisation focused on ending violence against women in Sudan. This had largely been the case during the War in Darfur (2003-2020), during which genocide and rape were perpetrated. The strategy, as reported by the UN, had the aim of humiliating the indigenous Darfuri population, particularly noting how the communities regard women as the bearers of family and tribal honour.
The pattern of sexual violence, including mass military rapes, occurred in Darfur for years. In 2014, Human Rights Watch (HRW) reported that 221 women and girls were raped by the SAF forces over the course of 36 hours in the village of Tabit, North Darfur. The report documented a series of attacks against women and girls, that included arbitrary detention and severe beatings. Rape was frequently committed in front of family members, adding to the trauma and humiliation. The HRW also reported testimonies of two army defectors, who revealed that they had been ordered by their superiors to rape women who were associated with supporting the rebel groups. Victims were also too afraid to testify about the abuse due to fear of retaliation from the government. These allegations were denied by Sudanese officials, who also prevented the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID) from carrying out an investigation. The International Criminal Court (ICC) indicted several people for crimes against humanity in relation to rape, including former President Omar al-Bashir.
The pattern of gendered violence also extends to the deliberate punishment of women engaging in political activities and participating in public spaces in Sudan. Following the 2019 pro-democracy protests, reports emerged of several men and over 70 women experiencing sexual violence at the hands of security forces, following the destruction of a sit-in camp in Khartoum. The peaceful demonstration, calling for a civilian-majority government, had been dispersed by the RSF with “extreme brutality,” which led to over 100 deaths and 700 injuries. This event serves as evidence of how sexual violence is instrumentalised to silence dissent and quell unrest.
Women in Peacebuilding Efforts
While acknowledging the trauma and challenges women in Sudan are currently facing, it is vital to consider their roles beyond those of victims and survivors. Despite the dire conditions, Sudanese women remain committed to making their voices heard in calling for justice, accountability, and cessation of the conflict. Female human rights defenders and political activists have also taken to social media, speaking up about reported rapes and providing a critical support network for those at risk of sexual violence. As noted by Abdelmoniem, “women have always been politically involved and determined to fight for a better Sudan.” Their pivotal role at the forefront of the 2019 Revolution and protests against militarisation have largely been fuelled by the lack of response to gender-based violence and restriction of their rights. “Women have always borne the burden of war. We are the ones who are the punching bag. We are affected the worst,” explained Abdelmoniem, when speaking to London Politica.
Despite their active role in grassroots peacekeeping and political advocacy, women remain on the margins of the formal peace processes. “We were always there at the front during the protests, during the revolution. But when it came time to set up the government, they pushed the women aside. They weren’t part of the discussions,” commented Abdelmoniem. A clear example is the June 3rd (2019) Massacre Committee, which consisted of only men, despite the object of its investigation being largely the mass sexual violence that occurred. This exclusion not only harms women but has detrimental consequences on conflict resolution and reconciliation processes. Evidence shows that women’s inclusion in conflict resolution can improve the outcome of the conflict and increases the chances of lasting peace. By overlooking women as peacemakers, gendered experiences of war and sexual violence are systemically ignored. Consequently, as stated by UN Special Representative on Sexual Violence in Conflict Zainab Bangura, rape remains “one of history’s greatest silences and the least condemned war crime.”
Ramifications and Implications
The widespread and horrific sexual violence committed during the ongoing conflict in Sudan has severe ramifications for Sudanese society and beyond. As the civil war persists, the atrocities continue to leave lasting scars on the victims, their communities, and Sudanese society as a whole.
Drawing from the experiences of other conflicts and their aftermath, the impact of wartime sexual violence are long-lasting and deeply entrenched. Beyond the physical and mental harm, survivors suffer social consequences that include disrupted access to education, limited mobility, and hindered economic opportunities. The intergenerational impact of sexual violence is also profound, as children born as a result of these atrocities may face discrimination and marginalisation. Compounding the gravity of their situation, a pervasive culture of shame and silence surrounds this violence, casting survivors and their families into a state of isolation and stigmatisation.
Looking at other conflicts in which rape has been employed as a weapon of war, it can be seen that its repercussions tend to reverberate long after the fighting subsides, and violence against women persists. As has been observed in the case of Sierra Leone, “because of the massive amount of rapes that occurred during the war, it became a common occurrence after the conflict ended.” The rates of domestic violence increased post-war, especially at the hands of ex-combatants. This has also been documented in Cambodia during the mid-1990s, where studies indicated 75% of women were victims of domestic violence, “often at the hands of men who have kept the small arms and light weapons they used during the war.” As stated in the 2003 UN Division for Advancement of Women (DAW) report, “the term post-conflict is a misnomer for women.”
Conclusion
The balance between pursuing justice and the practicalities of peace negotiations is extremely challenging in the case of Sudan, given that a major driver of the conflict has been avoiding ICC charges. To achieve cessation and meaningful reconciliation, there may be a need to explore alternative approaches to accountability, such as truth and reconciliation commissions or hybrid justice mechanisms that blend international and domestic judicial systems. Women's participation is also vital in shaping transitional justice processes that address the needs and concerns of survivors and allows communities to heal.
Peace negotiations, while striving for accountability, are arduous and often neglect victims in order to reach an agreement with warring parties. While Hemedti and Burhan have both committed war crimes during the Darfur genocide and in the current conflict, it is questionable if either will face charges by the ICC. Additionally, lower-ranking soldiers who are responsible for the majority of wartime rape are usually offered amnesty for a peace agreement to be reached, leaving victims of sexual violence without justice.
While there may be understandable pressure to advocate for immunity for warring parties in the pursuit of a faster end to the fighting, this carries the risk of perpetuating the cycle of impunity. As stated by Don Steinberg of the International Crisis Group, “too frequently amnesties given by the warring sides mean that men with guns forgive other men with guns for crimes against women.” By granting amnesty to the perpetrators, the grievances of civil society and issues of women are perpetually dismissed. The absence of accountability not only undermines the process of healing and reconciliation for survivors, but also casts a haunting shadow on the pursuit of justice and restoration of dignity. The action of indifference towards survivors of sexual assault in conflict is emphasised by Abdelmoniem’s sentiment: “If there is no justice, victims can never move forward.”